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Terrified that a catastrophic war might break out, Khrushchev took the initiative even as Kennedy was preparing an offer of his own. He wrote to Kennedy on Oct. I propose: we, for our part, will declare that our ships bound for Cuba are not carrying any armaments.

You will declare that the United States will not invade Cuba with its troops and will not support any other forces which might intend to invade Cuba. Then the necessity for the presence of our military specialists in Cuba will be obviated. View all New York Times newsletters. All these letters except those delivered over the radio at the peak of the crisis were methodically dictated, translated, encrypted and then transmitted. Such slow communication in a time of crisis seems inconceivable today, but at the heart of the cold war absolute secrecy was the objective, not speed.

Castro decided to write to Khrushchev, encouraging him to use his nuclear weapons to destroy the United States in the event of an invasion. According to declassified Soviet cables, a groggy but sympathetic Alekseev agreed, and soon they were set up underground with Castro dictating and aides transcribing and translating a letter. Castro became frustrated, uncertain about what to say. After nine drafts, with the sun rising, Alekseev finally confronted Mr.

Castro: are you asking Comrade Khrushchev to deliver a nuclear strike on the United States?

How Cuba won the missile crisis | Public Radio International

Castro in fine-tuning the 10th and final draft of the letter. From his bunker, Mr. Castro was calm as he composed this last will and testament for the 6. Castro believed that Cuba was doomed, that war was inevitable, and that the Soviets should transform Cuba from a mere victim into a martyr. By ignoring Mr. Israel shares with Iran and s Cuba a national narrative that is steeped in the glorification of military heroism in the face of potential defeat.

Whoever wins the presidential election must persuade the Israelis to restrain themselves.

The American president must do what even Kennedy and Khrushchev could not: treat a lesser power as an equal and pay attention to its fears. Today we must be wary of backing the Iranians into a corner so that they feel they must choose between capitulation and martyrdom.


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In , the Soviets just barely stopped the Cubans; this time, there is no Khrushchev. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Retrieved 18 May Media of Cuba. Censorship in Cuba Cuban journalists. Havana Times.


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The close of the s marked a turning point in the function of radio broadcasts from respective governments. By , however, VOA transmissions had been reduced to a mere minute broadcasts to Latin America. By , the Cuban-American Radio War was in full force, with government-crafted broadcasts launched in opposite directions. These early broadcasts all purported to be the one station reporting absolute truth with utmost objectivity, unlike the propagandistic enemy. VOA broadcasts were exclusively sent overseas, as its charter forbade the organization from broadcasting to the United States.

After decades of high power frequencies aimed in opposite directions, there came a truce.

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But the election of Ronald Reagan to the White House in the s reignited the conflict, and this time, things would be different. It is the installment of the Cuban-American Radio War that concerns us here. It would also include radio docudramas about Cuban politics, history, literature and culture, and would highlight sports in Cuba and the United States. The Cuban government responded to the announcement by launching an attack of interference.

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Making matters worse, the U. For official purposes, the Cuban government was aiming Radio Taino at the newly emerging tourist population, who would want to know more about the culture of the place they were visiting. Thus, the station was built around and sustained by a two-dimensionally fictional audience: the emerging tourist population who never listened to the radio, and, surreptitiously, a new generation of Cuban exiles abroad who may or may not have been listening. That was the way it kept its doors open as a half-English-speaking radio station that did not constantly pay lip service to the Revolution.

But really, something much deeper was at play among Taino employees—a phenomenon that would undermine Cuban Communist ideology. The station started off by stressing cultural roots and folklore in their programming, but soon, it found it could command larger audiences by playing foreign music.

Though Radio Marti was supposed to be the voice of capitalism, it was a public station and had no commercials. Generally, people tend to prefer radio without commercials; but for young Cubans, commercials were a new phenomenon. But the absence of ideology eventually gave way to the entrance of capitalism.

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Thus, Radio Taino had come to espouse the very principles it sought to combat. In large part, the transformation of Radio Taino was the result of historical, economic forces.